The tech superiority in
shipping and gunpowder warfare, combined with the appetite for distant
resources and captive markets, aided Spain and Portugal in colonizing the
Americas from the 1490s. The British and Dutch East India Companies were
chartered around 1600, extending this colonization.
Then came the Industrial
Revolution in 18th century: a handful of brilliant machines, the
steam engine, the spinning jenny, the power loom, burst out of Britain in the
second half of the eighteenth century, raced across Western Europe and the
Atlantic, and remade human productivity forever.
What the Industrial
Revolution did was not invent extraction — it industrialized it. Railways now
hauled raw cotton out of colonized land and finished cloth back in, at a speed
and scale no sailing ship could match. The telegraph let a handful of colonial
offices in London coordinate an empire on which the sun never set. Steamships
and the Maxim gun turned a slow, centuries-long process of colonization into
the frantic, decades-long "Scramble for Africa." The machines did not
create the logic of empire. They gave an existing logic ‘industrial teeth’.
That distinction matters,
because it is also the more useful lens for thinking about artificial
intelligence today. The worry is not that AI will cause a new
colonization from nothing. It is that AI is industrializing a concentration of
power that is already visible, already forming — and that, exactly as happened
two centuries ago, the architecture being built right now will determine who
spends the next century as a builder of intelligence and who spends it as a
tenant.
The New Raw Material, the
New Merchant Fleet
Colonial extraction needed
three things: a resource worth taking, a fleet capable of moving it, and a
captive market for what came back. Frontier artificial intelligence has its own
version of all three. The resource is data - the accumulated digital exhaust of
human behavior, conversation, and transaction. The fleet is compute: the small
number of companies and countries that control advanced semiconductor
fabrication, the data centers, and the energy to run them. And the captive
market is everyone else, every individual, enterprise, and government that will
consume intelligence as an API call rather than build it as sovereign
infrastructure.
Look at where frontier
foundation models actually get built today. A handful of firms in the United
States and China account for nearly all of the models capable of general
reasoning at scale. Building one requires not just world-class research talent
but hundreds of millions to billions of dollars in compute, energy contracts
that rival those of small nations, and access to a semiconductor supply chain
concentrated in a handful of firms and geographies. Export controls on advanced
chips are, in effect, the modern equivalent of a colonial power controlling who
gets gunpowder. None of this is a moral accusation against the companies
involved — they are responding rationally to the economics of the technology.
But the structural resemblance to the old pattern of resource, fleet, and
market is difficult to unsee once you look for it.
The Questions Policymakers
Cannot Defer
This raises three
questions that deserve to be asked plainly, even though the honest answers are
uncomfortable.
How many countries,
realistically, will ever have the capital, energy infrastructure, chip access,
and research talent needed to build and maintain a frontier foundation model?
The number today is small (probably fewer than half a dozen) and the barriers
to entry are rising, not falling, as the frontier moves toward ever larger
training runs.
What happens to the
nations and enterprises that cannot cross that threshold? Do they simply rent
intelligence indefinitely, the way a colonized economy once exported raw cotton
and imported finished cloth at a price set elsewhere? Renting is not inherently
ruinous; nations rent all kinds of capability today, from cloud infrastructure
to vaccine manufacturing, without becoming colonies. But renting the layer that
increasingly mediates commerce, education, healthcare, and governance is a
different order of dependency, because it is not a discrete purchase; it is a
permanent tax on every future transaction, and the terms of that tax are set
entirely by the renter.
And is "intellectual
colonization" too strong a phrase for this, or is it precisely the right
one? Colonization was not merely economic dependency, it involved the erasure
of local systems of knowledge and their replacement with the colonizer's
categories, language, and worldview. A world in which every culture's laws,
medicine, and commerce are mediated through a handful of models trained
overwhelmingly on the historical and linguistic corpus of a few countries risks
something structurally similar: not a flag planted in the ground, but a
worldview quietly planted in the model weights that every other nation's
citizens interact with daily.
These are not rhetorical
questions asked for effect. They are the kind of question that, if left
unanswered for another decade, answers itself by default, in favor of whoever already holds the compute.
Two Ways to Diffuse the
Power
If concentration is the
risk, diffusion is the countermeasure, and there are two distinct architectural
choices policymakers and technologists can push toward, both of which already
have working precedents.
The first is pushing
intelligence to the edge instead of pooling it at the center. Today's default
architecture treats a handful of giant, universally trained models, updated
continuously from everyone's interactions, as the intended destination for
every query, every business process, every personal decision: an omniscient
friend, philosopher, and guide for each individual and enterprise, with the
full transcript of the relationship flowing back to a central server. An
alternative already exists in embryonic form. Federated learning, a technique
in which a model on a device learns from local data and sends back only
aggregated, anonymized updates rather than the raw data itself has been used for years in consumer products
like predictive keyboards, precisely because it lets a system improve without
every keystroke leaving the phone. Extend that logic further: a model that
lives on a phone, a home router, or an enterprise gateway can handle the great
majority of everyday reasoning locally, drawing on a general model only when it
genuinely needs broader context, and sharing back to any central knowledge base
only what the user or enterprise explicitly consents to share. The transaction
stays local by default; participation in the global commons becomes an opt-in
choice rather than an automatic surrender.
The second is resisting
the pull toward one all-purpose model and instead building highly specialized
models for individual domains like health, education, law, financial services, each trained deeply enough in its own field to
outperform a generalist model at the tasks that actually matter to citizens in
that domain, and each able to keep improving through use within that domain
rather than through indiscriminate absorption into a universal corpus. The risk
of leaving specialization there is that it simply recreates ten small walled
gardens instead of one large one. The answer is open standards and protocols
that let these specialized models interact with each other on a consent basis, a
health model calling a financial-inclusion model to check affordability, an
education model calling a language model to translate content into a local
dialect, without any of them needing to
defer to, or route through, a single dominant global model to reason well.
This is not a
hypothetical. India's own experience with open digital protocols is a working
demonstration of the underlying principle, even though it was built for
commerce rather than AI. Before the Open Network for Digital Commerce, digital
commerce in India was consolidating toward the same pattern seen almost
everywhere else: a small number of platforms that owned both the buyer
relationship and the seller relationship, with every transaction and every unit
of pricing power flowing through their walled infrastructure. ONDC instead
created an open, interoperable protocol, built on the Beckn protocol, that let
any compliant buyer app discover and transact with any compliant seller app,
with no single platform sitting in the middle extracting rent from every
exchange. The lesson generalizes directly to AI: an open protocol layer for
model-to-model interaction could do for intelligence what an open commerce
protocol did for retail - letting specialized, smaller players interoperate on
equal footing instead of every interaction defaulting to whichever platform
happens to be largest.
Both of these
architectural choices carry a second, more practical benefit that should appeal
to any finance ministry worried about the cost of the AI transition: they are
cheaper. Routing the bulk of everyday reasoning through small, local, or
narrowly specialized models rather than a giant universal model every single
time reduces the number of tokens processed, the compute cycles consumed, and
the electricity drawn from the grid. Diffusion is not only a safeguard against
concentration of power; it is very plausibly the more economically sustainable
path as AI usage scales into billions of daily interactions.
Why Digital Public
Infrastructure Is the Precondition, Not an Afterthought
Neither of these
architectural interventions works unless the underlying data exists in a
usable, trustworthy, and interoperable form in the first place. A local model
on a phone in a country where identity, land records, health records, and
financial transactions are still paper-based, fragmented, or locked inside
proprietary corporate databases has nothing meaningful to reason over. This is
precisely the argument for treating digital public infrastructure — the
interoperable, open "rails" for identity, payments, and data exchange
that countries like India have built through systems such as Aadhaar and the
Unified Payments Interface — not as a separate policy agenda from AI, but as
its precondition.
The alternative to open,
interoperable rails is not the absence of digitization; digitization is
happening everywhere regardless. The alternative is digitization captured
inside walled gardens controlled by a handful of private platforms, each
sitting on a pool of data large enough to train a proprietary model, each with
every incentive to prevent that data from ever becoming interoperable with a
competitor's, and each able to charge rent on that data's use indefinitely.
Digital public infrastructure, built on open standards with consent-based data
sharing at its core, is what allows every country, not just the handful that
can afford frontier compute, to
accumulate a well-structured, contextually rich pool of its own data, and to
let smaller, local, or open-source models be trained meaningfully on that data
instead of being permanently dependent on a foreign model's second-hand
understanding of local context.
This is also, not
incidentally, the strongest antidote to rent-seeking. A market with open,
interoperable rails and many interoperating specialized models is a market with
real competition, which pushes the cost of intelligence down for everyone. A
market of walled gardens converging on two or three global models is a market
that, however impressive the technology, will behave like a monopoly, because eventually, it will be one.
The Choice Is Being Made
Now
The colonizing nations of
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries did not sit down and vote on empire;
the choice was made, cumulatively, by which ships got built, which trading
companies got charters, and which technologies got industrialized first, long
before most of the affected societies had any say in the matter. By the time
the consequences were fully visible, the architecture was already locked in,
and undoing it took centuries.
The architecture of
artificial intelligence is being decided now, in this decade, in choices that
look small: which protocols become standards, whether edge inference is
subsidized or taxed, whether digital public infrastructure is built as an
"open commons" or licensed out to whichever platform arrives first
with capital. None of these choices individually looks like a decision about
empire. Collectively, they are exactly that. The lesson of the last industrial
revolution is not that the machines were the problem, it is that by the time
everyone understood what the machines had made possible, the terms had already
been set by whoever built them first.
Policymakers have a
narrower window than they think to make sure that this time, the terms are set
by more than a handful of hands.

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